The Enclave, the Citadel, and the Ghetto

Personally speaking, I have some experience living in/traveling through an enclave, a citadel, and a ghetto.

I work/have family in College Point, on the Northwestern-most point of Queens. Anyone who travels to College Point (especially someone from Bayside like me) often travels through Whitestone to get there, via 14th Ave, a long street which stretches a long portion of land facing the Long Island Sound. Driving down 14th Avenue, it is evident where upper-class, suburban Whitestone/Malba citadel ends and industrial, middle-class College Point begins (the intersection of 132nd St and 14th Ave, just behind the College Point Shopping Center). It is there where the stretches of mansions come to an immediate halt, and are replaced by  immigrant-owned stores, tighter streets, and duplexes. Even within the neighborhood of College Point, 14th Ave serves as a divide between a citadel and a (arguable) ghetto. Everything on and north of 14th Ave features large mansions and expensive homes similar to those of neighboring Whitestone/Malba. Everything south of 14th Ave (roughly 80-85% of College Point) is rugged in terms of infrastructure, relatively unkempt and congested with traffic.

Peter Marcuse’s claims regarding the nature of the citadel, enclave and ghetto are, in my opinion, spot-on. While these types of neighborhoods, where stark signals are given regarding disparity/inequality of wealth, social structure and infrastructure, are present in every major metropolitan city, they are not as damaging to a society as they may seem. People who populate citadels, enclaves or ghettos arrive there by circumstance, and rarely by chance. People of similar economic/cultural/social association tend to stick together in their own little areas; it is not an issue of intolerance nor unwillingness to assimilate into another culture/social structure. No individuals were coerced into living in areas where they are surrounded by people just like them; upper-class families tend to stick with upper-class families the same way Eastern-European immigrant families prefer to remain near other Eastern-European immigrants, as with Caribbean immigrants, or middle-class South Asians, etc.

Immigrant Enclaves

Logan and Smith, justify their study with two factors; the continuing trend of globalization and local choices made by individuals in their search for success (41-5). Using these two concepts, they briefly examine the neighborhood and New York City in its entirety before nineteen ninety. They then examine and discuss the nineteen ninety census and subsequently the two thousand one. They recognize the concept of “white flight” where portions of Flushing’s white population leaves for the suburbs, replaced by minorities. In Flushing the Asian and Hispanic populations increase significantly before two thousand. They also discuss in great detail the economic and social draws that made Flushing an attractive choice for these people to live (49-55). After this they consider the racial tension boiling (mostly) beneath the surface. For example many were afraid that the community they grew up in was disappearing, that it would be “Manhattanized.” In general this tension did not lead to physical violence (55-8).

The two thousand census revealed that the Asian population increased dramatically while the Hispanic one stablilized at around twenty percent. In fact, Flushing became the most concentrated Asian population in New York, second only to Manhattan’s Chinatown (59-63). They then examine the Hispanic population and its many smaller enclaves within Flushing. They consider the many factors that encourage these neighborhoods to develop as well as the specific ethnic groups within the community such as Mexican, Puerto Rican etc.

Despite the incredible diversity that they tell us about, Logan and Smith maintain that, for better or worse, these are still societies based on the structure of an enclave. They are not truly integrated, they may coexist but preserve themselves as distinct cultural groups.

Response to Li’s “Beyond Chinatown”

Li’s “Beyond Chinatown, beyond enclave: Reconceptualizing contemporary Chinese settlements in the United States” focuses on Chinese immigrations and the changes it’s been going through throughout the history. First, I wondered why different ethnic groups form communities to almost shut themselves out from the mainstream society. Then I realized, being an immigrant myself, I was significantly more comfortable around the people from my country. In the early immigration era, prejudice caused these Chinese to seek comfort from the people of their own kind, which resulted in Chinatown.

One of the most interesting points in this article is that Li mentions Chinatown and immigration pattern is changing. He lists six stages of “Chinese settlement patterns and community forms”. From the stage-to-stage, Chinese immigration’s expansion and evolution were significant. A stunning fact is that a war actually benefited these immigrants significantly. The World War II essentially became the stepping-stone for them. Chinese started to move out of their safe haven and settle in suburban areas.

Li also mentions that later Chinese immigrants are more educated, well trained, and have higher status than previous immigrants. I thought the example of monster house was hysterical in certain ways. Previously, immigrants had to adapt to the already existing society, forming their own town to seek comfort and opportunities. As mentioned in the article, now the residents have to adapt to the foreign immigrants at some point. In the past people would have dreamed for an issue like monster house to come up. It just shows how dominant Chinese immigrants have become in this society.

Prejudice against Asian immigrants is still present in the current society. I’ve seen numerous adults doing business in Asian enclave, not learning English nor interacting with the mainstream society. In my opinion, no matter how globalized the world is, there always will be some sort of tension between races. Clash of different cultures have led to racism and segregation – problems with immigrants will not go away easily.

Chinese Immigrants Establishing a Place for Themselves in America

The readings on immigrant enclaves focused solely on predominantly Asian enclaves. They provided a brief history on traditional Chinatowns and Chinese immigration.

Chinese immigration began noticeably during the 19th century when they came from overseas looking to work in mines and railroad construction sites. They were originally poor laborers of minimum education and skills. The Chinese Exclusion Act successfully lowered the number of Chinese immigrating to the U.S. and faced with discrimination and violence, the Chinese congregated in urban areas, forming so-called Chinatown enclaves in large cities such as San Francisco and New York City. Chinatown provided protection from racism and the means of survival for the Chinese. In exchange, however, they secluded themselves from the rest of the city. The large influx of Chinese immigrants didn’t really occur until after the 1960s when legislations preventing Chinese immigration to the U.S. were lifted and the Chinese finally opened its doors to the rest of the world. The new wave of immigrants were better educated and more affluent than their predecessors. They had the means to form communities outside of overcrowded Chinatowns. As a result, Asian-prevalent communities such as those in Sunset Park and Flushing came into being.

Places such as Flushing and Sunset Park are not considered traditional enclaves such as Chinatown. They are considered ethnoburbs. One of the reasons they are different from an enclave is because of the diversity found within these communities. It is not solely composed of one ethnicity. There also reside a considerable number of immigrants from various countries. Another reason is that these ethnoburbs tend to be in more suburban areas. The original immigrants who formed this community chose the location because they were socioeconomically able to do so with the intention of forming a comfortable and secure environment, but often times the area becomes filled with successful businesses. When immigrants obtain the means to relocate, many choose to go farther away into suburbs. This may cause conflict with the current residents because of cultural differences.

Some Chinese immigrants who are beginning to establish themselves in predominately-white neighborhoods, will no doubt experience difficulty assimilating into the American culture and obtaining general acceptance by the pre-established natives in the community.

Enclave or Ethnoburb?

Wei Li’s “Beyond Chinatown, beyond enclave: Reconceptualizing contemporary Chinese settlements in the United States” gauges the evolution of ethnic communities, particularly Chinese ones, as they respond to the world around them. Originally, Chinatowns fit the description of a ghetto, being forcibly shut out of the community due to their ethnicity, left to lead less than ideal lives. Having read the Anderson article mentioned, I can attest that the Chinatown of Vancouver was dirty, crime-ridden, and unsafe. As the article explains, this was due to both de facto and de jure causes. Racism permeated American culture at the time and there were many laws prohibiting Chinese from being able to own property, intermarry, or sometimes even attain citizenship. They were heckled and hated by the white folk, being considered as opium users or gambling addicts.

However, as time progressed and more immigrants were arriving at American shores, Chinatowns became enclaves, in the traditional sense, and acted as sources of comfort and security in a new land. These communities became self-sufficient and served as ports of entry for newcomers. They weren’t as limited by legal barricades, but still faced social ones, so to create sustainable living conditions, they banded together in the traditional Chinatown setting.

The most interesting development in this evolution is the notion of an ethnoburb. As times and technologies change, more and more Chinese immigrants are well-educated folks, unlike their predecessors who were often times the laborers or farmers of their homeland. These suburban types of jobs lend themselves to a more suburban type of living, creating these so-called ethnoburbs. Able to assimilate into mainstream society, these people want to still have some sense of identity and heritage, so they form these communities to do so. Another interesting facet of this relatively recent concept is the notion of “parachute kids.” Children are often sent to the United States to receive an education, so these kids end up having a sense of duality. This nontraditional family structure could be a regression away from the more developed ethnoburbs.

Regardless of which ethnic group is being discussed, it is safe to say that more and more immigrants and minorities are finding their way out of ethnic enclaves and into more traditional suburban settings. Li’s diagramming of this progression succinctly exhibits how we truly are a nation of immigrants, and one that advocates cohabitatation regardless of cultural differences.

Immigrant Enclaves: Reading Response # 2

In the article “Flushing 2000: Geographic Explorations in Asian New York” by Christopher J. Smith and John R. Logan, much of the focus is on Asian immigration in the neighborhood of Flushing, Queens. The article shows us both the positive and negative impacts of the large influx of Asian immigrants. In “Beyond Chinatown, beyond Enclave: Reconceptualizing contemporary Chinese settlements in the United States”, Wei Li reports that Chinatowns established in various cities were not always viewed as a thriving immigrant enclave. They were considered to be a ghetto and were similar to the ones that Peter Marcuse described in his article. Therefore, it was interesting to read about how Chinatowns and other areas with a large Chinese population (such as Flushing, Queens) went from outcast communities to thriving immigrant enclaves.

Like we read and discussed in class, these immigrant enclaves promote the upward mobility of their residents. According to Logan & Smith’s observations, these enclaves are thriving because many immigrants bring entrepreneurship skills and establish small businesses. So, they help themselves and also play a key role in the revitalization of their community’s economy. This is clearly evident in Smith & Logan’s study of Flushing where the influx of Asians helped revive the area, which was experiencing a long period of economic decline. Unlike Manhattan’s overcrowded Chinatown, the area of Flushing provided jobs, housing and peaceful lifestyle for its inhabitants, thereby making it attractive for future immigrants. This could probably one of the reasons why many Chinese people (immigrants or non immigrants) choose to move out of Manhattan’s Chinatown (a fact pointed out by Joe Salvo in his presentation at The John Jay School of Criminal Justice).

On the other side of the spectrum, the Logan & Smith’s article reports that the Hispanic population is on the sidelines. Instead of the predicted increase in population, the Hispanic population in Flushing actually leveled off at 20%. Because of the Asian dominance, the Hispanic population instead settled in nearby neighborhoods but they still worked in Flushing.  The Hispanic community was described as an “enclave within a enclave”. This characterization was interesting because even though there is a clear Asian dominance, the Hispanic community has still maintained its foothold in the community instead of being completely wiped out. Another very interesting phenomenon discussed in Wei Li’s article is the influx of affluent Asian immigrants into white suburban neighborhoods. In our previous class, we discussed that Whites preferred to live with Asians and Hispanics who were very assimilated into the American culture and were well established in US (refer to the “buffer theory” in the article “Global Neighborhoods: New Pathways to Diversity and Separation” by Logan & Zhang). Although I am not too familiar with the movement of other Asian groups, I am aware that there is a quite large Indian population residing in the suburban Eastern Queens and part of Nassau county. This could be partly related to their income levels and preference to settle a little further away from heavily crowded urban areas (but still close to major enclaves). This move of well established Asians into suburban towns is highlighted by Wei Li in her article and it shows that other minority groups are integrating with previously all-white communities and are not subject to isolation anymore.

 

The Politics Behind the Chinese: Immigration and Assimilation (or lack thereof)

China and the United States have had a very interesting relationship throughout the decades, one that has gradually emerged from that of Chinese exclusion, to the welcoming of certain Chinese, now seen as beneficial. Wei Li, author of “Beyond Chinatown, Beyond Enclave: Reconceptualizing Contemporary Chinese Settlements in the United States,” explains the utilization of politics as a means to manipulate the Chinese population, both historically and presently.

Li gives much detail regarding the influx of Chinese into the U.S.; he divides Chinese immigration patterns into six time periods, from pre-1882 to the present. In each period of time, there has been some type of political influence; furthermore, these influences have come to “…indirectly impact the types of resulting immigrant settlement patterns.” The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 reigned for 61 years, creating a tumultuous environment for the Chinese that had already immigrated to the U.S. The Exclusion Act caused the Chinese immigrants to recoil from the hostility being tossed at them, resulting in the emergence of Chinese ghettoes.

When the Exclusion Act was repealed in 1942, the ghettoized Chinese communities were relieved of many restrictions, and were legally free to participate in the mainstream market. It is in this way that the Chinese rose from the ghettoes and instead of forming communities as a means of protection from external forces, they voluntarily chose to live in enclaves, bolstering the beginnings of economic prosperity. The Immigration Act of 1965 further opened the doors of the U.S. to especially talented Chinese, who would serve as an asset to the economy.

It is in this way that political influence and immigrant settlement patterns are inextricably linked. Throughout every time period, I noticed one common theme emerge: fear. The Chinese Exclusion Act came at a time when competition was fierce in the U.S.; the Gold Rush was in full swing, and the Chinese miners were seen as a threat by white miners who were eager to claim all the wealth of any one area. The Exclusion Act was repealed when the U.S. was on the eve of joining WWII; the Chinese quickly became allies in the wake of Pearl Harbor, where public disdain shifted to the Japanese. Fear has motivated each political action, be it fear of economic failure, limited resources, or external terror. When the “Monster Houses” were constructed in Silicon Valley, by wealthy Chinese who favored sprawling “multigenerational lots,” two pieces of legislation were passed to set limitations on the housing that could be built. Whites in the area feared change and difference from the status quo–in implementing policy against change, the Whites were able to assert their dominance and quell their fears.

Chinese: Different Destinies in Immigrant New York (Zhou)

In Chinese: Different Destinies in Immigrant New York, Min Zhou describes the Chinese enclaves that exist in New York and also historically explains the reason of great immigration to New York. Zhou also analyzes the settlement of Chinese immigrants and the causes for immigrants to settle at a specific area.

In the 1900s, many Chinese people came to the west coast in search of gold becoming laborers in many industrial sites. They hoped to go back to China with the gold and wealth that they had high hopes of attaining. As a Chinese immigrant said, “New York offers many fortunes but unequal opportunities to newcomers. Not everyone can make it here.” Coming to a new country brings many changes and sometimes immigrant’s destiny to belong in New York does not belong. With more than 1.5 million Chinese people legally admitted in the US (in 1997) the population of these Asians continues to thrive in numbers. One reason why was because of the passage of the Hart-Celler Act which rapidly led Chinese people to fly to America to be with their whole family, rather than have family restrictions. With modernization and push for higher education, many Chinese students have come to New York to make their living similar to those Chinese workers who came in the 1980s.

With the arrival of various Chinese immigrants, not all were on the same boat. Some were poor, some had little education, and others had poor working skills. These characteristics shaped their selection of jobs as well as the place they settled. Zhou focused on three settlements: Old Chinatown, Flushing, and Sunset Park. All three settlements had very distinguishable difference. Old Chinatown was the site where they had the similar “socioeconomic status” with low-wade jobs, low level of education, and more of an area for the elderly. Flushing is more of an area not dense in one ethnicity but is known as the “second” Chinatown that has seen great business and property expansion and offers a good socioeconomic standing. Sunset Park consists of more of a working-class community with little “mobile immigrant Chinese” people  and is the site for not so expensive houses for immigrants to come to. Like other communities in New York, Old Chinatown, Flushing, and Sunset Park are all similar in the make-up but they have different characteristics that suit certain people. When Chinese immigrants come to New York, there are reasons for settlement at a specific community.

Within each Chinese community, there is “class status” that determines what location is the best fit to live. From affordable housing to decent housing, Chinese immigrants look to settle where they can afford and be like the rest of the others. This is a main factor that determines their achievement when they come to New York for a successful life. Another factor is “ethnic networking.” Being a stranger when coming to NY and meeting new people from work or from other areas, it is important to have the connection or friendship near you so their is comfortability as well as a cultural relationship.

With the arrival of these great Chinese populations, different communities have been created and although it may not seem like it, but there are different characteristics that surround each community. I can relate to this article but with the Indian community. Jackson Heights, Queens, and Flushing are sites of big Indian population but only they know the difference in each community. Although I haven’t been to Sunset Park, I’ve been to Old Chinatown and Flushing, but I never distinguished the people from those two areas. I viewed them as the same, but reading this article, by a Chinese person who probably can relate to it, helps us see and think of the differences within the communities in New York. I could tell the differences within the Indian Community since I’m Indian and same for Zhou because she is Chinese. Using that insight and knowledge, I can understand the Chinese settlements as well as how much they have developed.

Chinese: Divergent Destinies in Immigrant New York

In “Chinese: Divergent Destinies in Immigrant New York,” Min Zhou gives a detailed depiction and analysis of the Chinese in their immigrant enclaves. He addresses a broad scope of matters, ranging from spatial, societal, and economic issues, that pertain especially to the Chinese settlement and development.

The Chinese first began to flock to America in search of gold, hoping to strike it rich and consequently return home to their family in China. Most were unsuccessful in doing so and therefore had to remain here. Over time, they engaged themselves in the workforce through a variety of jobs, such as railroad construction and mining. Their role in the economy soon proved quite important in two different respects. The Chinese supported their fellow immigrants by running informal businesses in their enclaves, such as garment business, laundromats, and supermarkets. They also bolstered the global market by involving themselves in high skilled and formal jobs. Interestingly, the types of jobs that were most or least popular depended on the Chinese enclave.

The area where the Chinese immigrants lived was an important factor in their development and lifestyle. Early on, the Chinese lived exclusively in California. Over time, some moved to New York. The Chinese population in California differed from that in New York because the former was less condensed than the latter. Zhou specifically focuses on three main Chinatown areas: Old Chinatown in Manhattan, Flushing, and Sunset Park. Each is culturally distinct from the one another. Old Chinatown is marked by low education and income; Flushing exudes ethnic diversity and the Chinese there are better off socioeconomically; Sunset Park is a working class neighborhood with an ethnic economy that does not provide much social mobility. Zhou argues that while each place is a Chinatown, each has its own unique characteristics. The inhabitants speak the same language, yet they in fact speak Chinese dialects that are mutually intelligible due to the fact that people originate from different villages and Asian countries.

An important point that Zhou tries to focus on throughout the piece is that while these Chinese immigrants are attempting to achieve successful destinies, their progress is often hindered by societal constraints. Chinatown initially started off as a predominantly bachelor neighborhood because few women were allowed to emigrate from China. In fact, they were not allowed to become naturalized citizens.  Whether they integrated themselves in the global economy by working with Americans or lived separately in their own enclaves, the Chinese were vulnerable to incessant discrimination and exclusion. Such marginalization was clear even on a federal level, for Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act that virtually barred any Chinese from immigration to the United States. While the Immigration and Nationality Act greatly expanded the Chinese population in America, they were already set in their lifestyle and continued to maintain Chinatowns in areas in which they comprised a large presence.

Zhou does an excellent job of emphasizing the fact that since their arrival in America, there have been many changes in the Chinese community, both in terms of the actual neighborhood and the inhabitants. While they all came from the same continent, over time their goals and destinies have diverged. Some places have shortcomings while others have impressive strengths.  They have a broad culture, evident especially in the different occupations, which spans the area of Old Chinatown, Flushing, and Sunset Park. Before reading this piece, I grouped all Chinese communities in New York under one category. Now I realize how distinct each one is and how their development over the years has molded them into the ever-changing communities that they are today.

Response to Li’s “Beyond Chinatown”


      What I found most striking about Li’s article was the underlying and persistent theme of agency, meaning “the capacity of individuals to act independently and to make their own free choices” (Wikipedia). In the case of immigration, this would refer to an immigrant/ immigrant group’s ability to shape their experience in America. In other words, to be able to work, live, learn, and socialize the way they want.

Li discusses the history and legacy of the formation of Chinatowns. What struck me most was his point that Chinatowns were both the cause and effect of the white American population’s prejudice against the Chinese. White Americans said that the Chinese were inflexible and unwilling to adapt to American life and Americans used that accusation to justify using legal and social pressures to isolate the Chinese immigrant population into areas now called Chinatowns. Once these Chinatowns were formed, white Americans portrayed them as the physical manifestation of the Chinese immigrants’ backwardness. Chinese immigrants wanted to adapt and integrate, but they could not, and they were later blamed for their failure to integrate. In other words, the Chinese population had no agency in determining the degree to which they adapted to American life.

These facts beg the question- is the same thing happening today? Are Americans once again depriving immigrants of their ability, and, once could even say right, to integrate into American society? There are some segments of American society and government that want to discourage immigration. They cite the fear that new immigrants will not integrate into American society. In light of Li’s article, however, we need to think- is this very question preventing immigrants from integrating? In line with Li’s thinking,  America’s fear of immigrant social non-compliance is the actual cause of immigrant’s communities inward withdrawals.

Even if this is not the case we must contemplate the how our own preconceived notions of immigrant groups shapes and distorts our views of them. For example, in the last class we discussed how there are some views that immigrants are unwilling to learn English. When my I thought this point over my gut instinct was to agree and think that due to immigrant communities’ isolation, members of those groups had no need and therefore no desire to learn English.  But then I realized that this, in fact, wasn’t true. According to New York City statistics English classes are extremely oversubscribed, meaning that there are a lot more immigrants that want to take classes than there are spaces available. This is exactly the kind of bias that Li makes note of: fact-less and untrue. Reading Li’s article has made me more aware of the necessity of carefully identifying and overriding biases in order to gain a more realistic picture of America’s immigrant population.