Annotations – Samema Sarowar

1. Fox, Fiona. “New Humanitarianism: Does It Provide a Moral Banner for the 21st Century?” Disasters 25.4 (2001): 275-89.
 
        Fox argues that the term “new humanitarianism” is a product of the post-Cold War era in order to address the emerging need of humanitarian aid. New humanitarian is fundamentally different from the concepts of traditional humanitarian, which is regarded as morally questionable. The distribution of humanitarian aid is political. The need for political awareness is necessary because blind distribution can be considered detrimental. Fox (2001), makes the argument that new humanitarianism allows for humanitarian aid organizations to reorganize aid distribution that solves the problems that were caused by traditional humanitarianism. This aid, it is argued, can be assessed more efficiently because the aid distribution becomes more transparent.
 
        The concept of humanitarian aid dates back to 1859, then Jean Henri Dunant watched thousands of military troops dying of agony in the battlefields of Solferino. Dunant goes on to found the International Committee of the Red Cross, ICRC. The ICRC is a non-governmental organization that has dedicated its efforts of distributing humanitarian aid based on the concepts of impartiality and neutrality. These two concepts are also mentioned in the Geneva Conventions in 1964, a leading international relations document that is the states the fundamental principles of human rights. Impartiality allows agencies to state opinions about the conflict publicly, while still distributing humanitarian aid equally to all warring parties involved in the conflict. Neutrality requires the agencies that are distributing aid to remain silent about the conflict and do not become involved in the politics of the conflict.
 
I can use this article as an introduction to the concept of “new humanitarianism.” First, I will use this article to define the term “new humanitarianism.” Second, I will use its historical background about the development of the humanitarian aid organizations and their role in humanitarian aid distribution. Although Fox supports new humanitarianism in her article, I believe that her argument will present a strong case for new humanitarianism with fundamental flaws in its concepts.
 
2. LeRiche, Matthew. “Unintended Alliance: The Co-option of Humanitarian Aid in Conflicts.” Parameters 2004: 104-20.
 
        LeRiche argues that the humanitarian aid has been an extension of military power. Warring parties often deprive the opponent party of aid by taking the spoils of winning a conflict. The combatants often use aid agencies as a tool of gaining resources because of their blinding supply of humanitarian aid. Combatants are proficient in the bureaucracies of the agencies and thus easily manipulate them to gain essential supplies with proper follow-up procedures. Tactics and strategies of combatants to require humanitarian aid are described. The movement from a humanitarian aid distribution to a war economy because of the re-distribution of humanitarian aid by rebels. Governments influence the decisions of the humanitarian aid distribution by the agencies.
Humanitarian aid can extend conflicts.
 
I can use this article to show how flawed new humanitarianism is through humanitarian aid distribution as a means of extending warring conflicts because it supplies aid as a form of resource to fuel conflicts. Humanitarian aid distributed is not coordinated properly and can lead to disastrous results.
 
3. Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. “Collateral Damage: Humanitarian Assistance as a Cause of Conflict.” International Security 28.1 (2003): 79-109.
 
        Lischer argues that aid can make the conflict worse. Specific political conditions can lead to conflict or cause the conflict to continue. Political cohesion of the refugees can directly effect the humanitarian aid distribution. Agencies that distribute humanitarian aid can orient themselves such that they become more efficient in their aid distribution. Humanitarian aid might be distributed with neutrality and impartiality but in reality the aid actually is politicized and distributed accordingly. Failure of the aid distribution in Rwanda is due to the lack of acknowledgement of the military presence in the camps by aid agencies. This militarization is due to the origin of the refugee status.
 
I can use this article to further my point that new humanitarianism can lead to results that are not essential to the main purpose of humanitarianism. This can be achieved by mentioning how rebels take aid and distribute it, which causes an extension in conflict.
 
4. Vayrynen, Raimo. “More Questions than Answers: Dilemmas of Humanitarian Action.” Peace and Change 24.2 (1999): 172-96.
 
        Vayrynen argues that politicization of humanitarian aid creates a fragmented international community that cannot function effectively. Militarization of humanitarian aid is essential in order to prevent combatants from abusing the aid. Militarization goes against the concept of impartiality. Increase in the amount of humanitarian can often led to increased conflict. Using Vayrynen’s definition of traditional humanitarianism: “Traditional humanitarianism” is a term that encompasses the beginnings of humanitarian aid distribution since 1859. This concept refers to the distribution of aid regardless of political affiliation.
 
I can use this article for the definition of new humanitarianism. “New humanitarianism” will be defined as a relatively new concept of distributing humanitarian aid based on political biases. New humanitarianism will be explained by stating how it derived from traditional humanitarianism, when it became an influential concept in humanitarian aid distribution, what examples in the history of humanitarian aid distribution constitutes as new humanitarianism, and how it fundamentally differs from traditional humanitarianism.
 
5. Barber, Ben. “Feeding Refugees, or War? The Dilemma of Humanitarian Aid.” Foreign Affairs 76.4 (1997): 8-14.
 
        Barber argues that moral relativity defined through the methods that are employed by militants to ensure their influence over refugee populations. The different areas that Barber addresses are victims that receive humanitarian aid be come rebels, rebels they to make deals with host countries, media, use local workers, limited amount of information that reaches refugees, and foreign allies support of rebel forces. Barber goes on to argue that in order to distribute humanitarian aid and to solve the refugee crisis there has to be a demilitarization of the camps. The demilitarization has to be a proactive effort, taken on by the humanitarian aid agencies.
 
I can use Barber’s principles of moral relativity to describe the ways that humanitarian aid has been used in not-so-humanitarian ways. Barber’s principles also helps the reader to understand the ways that rebels influence the refugee populations in order to maintain continuous aid input. This is important to my argument because it allows me to show how the methods used in aid distribution can affect refugees.
 
6. Terry, Fiona. Condemned to Repeat?: the Paradox of Humanitarian Action. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2002.
 
        Terry argues that aid organizations continued to funnel aid into the camps seen after they knew that the other past cases had abused aid. Since money for the agencies comes from the state the organizations followed a methodology that was political. Some agencies stayed in the camps to address the immediate concerns of the population. Other agencies left because they thought that it was unjust to be neural in aid distribution. The failure of agencies to fully help the refugees has questioned the fundamental imperative of humanitarian aid relief.
 
I can use this book to show how aid organizations have misused the distribution of aid due to political reasons. This article also illustrates how the fundamental concepts of “new humanitarianism” and “traditional humanitarianism” have been used in the methodology by aid organizations. This will pertain to my overall argument because it will address what weaknesses were apparent in the organizations that instituted “new humanitarianism” in their methodology.
 
7. Forsythe, David P. Human Rights in International Relations. Cambridge England: Cambridge UP, 2006.
 
        Forsythe argues that The Red Cross has impeccable record keeping. Few have been able to question the legitimacy of the records. People on the field can recall and transcribe events that took place in accurate detail. Advocacies of human rights standards want NGOs to adopt new standards or to enforce their existing standards. Human rights NGOs publish works and papers such that the NGOs that deal with future conflicts can be able to follow the strengths and avoid the weaknesses. Some NGOs provide direct services and protection to the populations that are affected by human rights violations.
The international system should deal with the problems of coordination to provide aid, politicize aid and create more effective legislation to fund aid organizations. It is fundamental to have lobbying groups that push the NGOs to change human rights standards. These NGOs are also essential to the distribution of aid.
 
I will use this textbook for definition purposes. I want to define the role of a non-governmental organization, such that the readers understand what I am trying to talk about. They I will give an objective outline of NGOs are in the international arena. This source will help clarify my overall argument.
 
8. Geneva Conventions of the United Nations General Assembly
 
U.N. General Assembly, 4th Sess. Convention (I) for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field. Aug. 12, 1949.
 
U.N. General Assembly, 4th Sess. Convention (II) for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea. Aug. 12, 1949.
 
U.N. General Assembly, 4th Sess. Convention (III) relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War. Aug. 12, 1949.
 
U.N. General Assembly, 4th Sess. Convention (IV) relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. Aug. 12, 1949.
 
First Geneva Convention: states when there should be a need for humanitarian intervention. Explicitly states the ICRC as an agency to help during humanitarian crisis.
 
Second Geneva Convention: Talks about the rules of war and what factors should be considered when distributed humanitarian aid.
 
Third Geneva Convention: Explains how to treat POWs and other criminal activities that violate human rights.
 
Fourth Geneva Conventions: The transparency of international organizations has to be public. And it talks about situations of armed conflict.
 
I can use the Geneva Conventions be because they give explicit and texted guidelines on what factors should be considered when giving humanitarian aid. These factors are paralleled with the concepts of traditional humanitarian aid. These conventions are considered treaties that create a general practice in the international communities because it was signed by the most states. This Convention and the subsequent protocols can used to defend the fundamental objectives of traditional humanitarianism.
 
9. Cassese, Antonio. International Law. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005.
 
        Cassese argues in his books now how customary law is practiced. Customary law is defined as the original source of customary law, with regard to the legal obligations based on long-standing state practice, oldest form of international rules and its binding nature on all states whether or not they played a part in its formation. Newly formed states are required to follow customary law as the price of admission into the international community of states. Cassese states that the elements of customary law are general practice, consistency over time, its acceptance as law (“opinion juris”).
 
He argues that the features of the international community are legal subjects are collective political communities rather than individuals, no central authority (anarchy), no global social contract (unwritten agreement) or single value system, wide variety of cultures, levels of development, and economic and military resources, and principle of sovereignty means that states are not beholden to any higher authority.
Using the technical terms of customary law and the international community I can argue that the Geneva Conventions can be considered customary law and have to be followed by all states. I will state why the Geneva Conventions can be considered customary law.
 
10. Pottier, Johan. “Relief and Repatriation: Views by Rwandan Refugees: Lessons for Humanitarian Aid Workers.” African Affairs 95.380 (1966): 403-29.
 
        Pottier argues that in order for humanitarian organizations to function to capacity and effectively they would have to learn to political dynamics of the areas that they are providing aid to then beginning to randomly distribute it. Humanitarian aid organizations just assumed that parts of the camps were not eligible for aid, for political purposes, thus resulting in thousands of deaths. The politics that were involved in the process showed that aid organizations were not aware of the non-genocide committers that were present in the camp, and thus chose to take a course of action that would inhibit the genocidaires but in the process results in the deaths of thousands of people. This problem can be addressed through the use of more detailed recording mechanisms and more transparency.
 
I can use this article to state why humanitarian aid should not be based on knowing the political factors involved. This argument can be strengthened by the accounts that are given in this article about the innocent people that have suffered from mis-distributed aid or not being provided aid due to a reluctance of the aid organizations to become involved in political conflicts.