November 4, 2012, Sunday, 308

User:Fjamil

From The Peopling of New York City

Founding the Neighborhood:

Jackson Heights wasn't always the prime example of diversity it is branded as today. Quite ironically, the goal of its creators was to create a haven for a white middle-class fleeing Manhattan, “a city that was not only crowded, but increasingly culturally diverse” (Kasinitz 163). Early developers envisioned it as an exclusive suburb for native white ethnics that, while only a short distance away from the global capital that was Manhattan, also ensured a division from immigrants and other racial categories. Early developers actually used various means to exclude both Jews and blacks from finding homes in Jackson Heights. While Jews were allowed to move into the neighborhood after the late 1940s, Blacks “continued to be excluded from the area until … 1968 [and possibly] through the 1980s”. (Kasinitz, 163-4).

Edward MacDougal of the Queensboro Corporation was the major developer of the land he dubbed “Jackson Heights” in 1909. He built about 325 acres of pure farmland into a type of garden city with apartment complexes and homes imitating Tudor architectural styles, interior gardens, large buildings framing courtyards, and public sidewalks lined with trees. Privileges such as tennis courts, golf courts, playgrounds, and the like further served the appeal of the neighborhood as a sophisticated, upscale suburb.

In 1919, the first co-ops became available; five of the first six apartment buildings of the neighborhood introduced this cooperative ownership plan. While Queensboro remained the managing agent, tenants had the opportunity to become shareholders of an apartment complex. This type of plan, which allowed resident families living in the complexes to buy their apartments for a down payment of 500$ and mortgage payments of approximately 52$ a month, was one of the factors that led to the rapid growth of Jackson Heights during the 1920s. By 1930, a city that only had about 3,800 people living two decades back was home to 44,500 residents. Again, it must be understood that, up till this time, the neighborhood still catered to a native white ethnic majority that had a strong sense of community and exclusivity.



Neighborhood Assignment #1: COMMERCIAL ASPECT


Present Jackson Heights is a melting pot of diverse cultures and people. A variety of commercial centers cater to the needs of a wide range of ethnic backgrounds. One such center would be Little India. The center of Little India is found on 74th Street between Roosevelt Avenue and 37th Avenue. The district is an explosion of South Asian culture – apparel, food, media, and small trinkets. Tourists and residents alike gawk at large window displays of colorful ethnic clothing and women, young and old, barter and bargain viciously. Small stores packed wall-to-wall with DVDs and tapes of the Bollywood world open their arms to people hungry for that kind of entertainment. Restaurants and street vendors offer traditional food, varying from spicy samosas to sweet desserts like rice pudding. Numerous grocery stores offer imported goods from various Asian countries. Almost a necessity for South Asian women, various forms of gold ornaments are sold in the countless jewelry stores of Little India. So much is going on in this maze-like fast-paced district at one time, it’s hard to believe it’s only a part of the commercial aspect of Jackson Heights. Another commercial center focuses on the vast Latino population of this city. A couple of blocks away from Little India is a metropolis of “Mexican clothing shops, Colombian bakeries, Guatemalan handicraft stores and Argentinean restaurants.” Jackson Heights is also the home to the biggest Latino gay population in NYC and is generally known as the 2nd largest gay neighborhood. Several gay bars dot the area. In June, an annual gay celebration, the Queens Pride Parade, takes place. It is organized by the Queens Lesbian and Gay Pride Committee, a group that aims to educate people about the rights of gays, lesbians, and bisexuals. Many of its “outreach programs” are based in Jackson Heights. Today, it is obvious Jackson Heights has evolved into a bustling cultural and commercial center that a person of almost any ethnic background would find comfortable.

References:

Kimmel, M, Levine, M. Gay Macho: The Life and Death of the Homosexual Clone. New York: NYU Press, 1998.

Khandelwal, Madhulika. Becoming American, Being Indian: An Immigrant Community in New York. New York: Cornell University Press, 2002.

Shukla, Sandhya. India Abroad: Diasporic Cultures of Postwar America and England. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2003.

Maly, Michael. Beyond Segregation: Multiracial and Multiethnic Neighborhoods in the United States. Pennsylvania: Temple University Press, 2005.




Neighborhood Assignment #2: STRUGGLE OVER SPACE


Jackson Heights is a complex, complicated neighborhood; a person can deduce this just by walking its streets. There is almost every imaginable type of ethnic group on its streets, yet each one is condensed into little communities, giving the feel of not one united neighborhood, but of many separately functioning spheres of constituencies. The struggle over space in Jackson Heights has had several undertones, from racial and discriminatory practices to the use of public spaces to the preservation of historical districts. We must look at each one to answer the question of why Jackson Heights allots its space the way it does.

To analyze the racial aspects of the problem, we must look at the beginnings of Jackson Heights itself. Jackson Heights was specifically created as a haven for a “native, White, middle-class fleeing a city that was not only crowded, but increasingly culturally diverse.” From the 1920s to the 1940s, the neighborhood was a solid middle-class, homogenous white community. As Hispanic and Asian immigrants poured in due to the Hart-Cellar Immigration Act of 1965 and their numbers only increased exponentially through the years, racial tensions over space also amplified.

One example of these tensions is the dilemma over the center of the Latino American immigrant community, Roosevelt Avenue. As many South American families and individuals settled around Roosevelt Avenue, some white Jackson Heights residents wished to cut off the street from Jackson Heights and allow it to become part of the adjacent neighborhoods, even though it made little sense as the street is only a couple of blocks from some of the oldest Jackson Heights co-ops. They were troubled that the quiet little neighborhood was being perceived as “Cocaine Central” by the national media. Now many whites view streets such as Roosevelt Avenue and Junction Boulevard as “boundary lines”, where “people who live on one side of Roosevelt Avenue don’t cross to the other side of Roosevelt Avenue.” Many older racially white residents completely avoid this and other places like it, such as Junction Boulevard or Little India because they perceive it to be too different from their own culture and what they are used to.

Another example of the racial aspect of the struggle over space was the historical district movement. In 1993, through a long campaign by several Jackson Heights residents, a section of the neighborhood was designated as a “historical district.” This district has more than 200 buildings and private homes; many built by the Queensboro Corporation in the first half of the 1900s. On the surface, this seems to be a harmless endeavor to preserve the beauty and architecture of Jackson Heights. However, the truth of the matter can be seen by the details of the movement. The effort was campaigned by the Jackson Heights Beautification Group (JHBG), whose leaders and board of directors are mostly “middle-aged, white business owners and professionals.”1 As they own the co-ops and private homes, they care about the area’s reputation and appearance. Also, only an upper-middle-class owner (and generally, ethnic white) could afford to preserve the buildings in their “historic pristine condition”, implying the true sinister reasons of the historical district movement. Most people of color cannot afford to live in the historical district, making it an almost segregated, completely white area.

Racial tensions are only a part of the struggle over space in this diverse neighborhood. Another would be the confusion over the use of public space. Little India has been a center for this issue. Little India is a condensed bazaar of Indian businesses selling ethnic clothing, entertainment, jewelry, and food. As South Asians are a minority of the residents of Jackson Heights, most of the customers are from all over the city and the suburbs of New York. Whites and Latinos alike resent the fact that these “outside” businesses, as most of the storeowners are also not residents, are uprooting the “long-established, familiar stores and restaurants in favor of more profitable ones.”1 Residents state that the quality of life is decreasing and the merchants counter that the “local youth” bother the customers. Both sides make valid points and the confusion and discontent from both parties remains today. Almost the same situation occurs in Roosevelt Avenue’s Little Columbia, the only difference being that the owners and most of the consumers are residents, allowing a bit of a more congenial atmosphere.

The struggle over space in Jackson Heights is an important and complicated issue. As racial groups shy away from one another, prejudices and stereotypes abound, and the use of public space is fought over, the struggle seems never ending. However, comfort can be found in the fact that while ethnic groups do not necessarily live with one another, they do hold respect and tolerance. The residents of Jackson Heights, whether they be of Latino or Asian descent or new resident or old, hope to make the neighborhood one they can be proud of.

References:

Bazzi M, Doane R, Kasintiz P. “Jackson Heights, New York.” Cityscape Vol 4, No. 2 1998.

Jones-Correa. “Intimate Strangers: Immigration to Queens.” Two Nations: The Political Predicament of Latinos in New York. New York: Cornell University Press, 1998




Neighborhood Assignment #3: WALKING TOUR


Reading about something and actually experiencing it are two totally different concepts. After walking throughout the neighborhood today, my perceptions of Jackson Heights have been altered and strengthened at the same time. I now have real-life evidence of ideas such as the one of “interlacing communities within a community”, but my impressions of the various racial and ethnic groups have drastically changed.

My previous assumptions of various ethnic groups were ambushed even before the real tour began! The disheveled white man who bothered our group for money made me ponder on how wrong I was in making racial assumptions as I walked through Jackson Heights. My, I admit completely racist, thought before actually walking in Jackson Heights were that, if it were to happen, a person from the Latino, Asian, or another immigrant population would be more likely to bother me than a “native, normal white guy” of the neighborhood. The readings and my own Internet research seem to imply that the white community is the epitome of fighting for peace and affluence: it wishes to keep Roosevelt Avenue as a boundary of Jackson Heights, looks in horror at the Columbian drug cartels running in the town, wishes to keep the neighborhood affluent by creating the Historical District, etc etc. At the same time, immigrants such as Columbians, Indians, and Asians are thought to have brought mostly negative changes to Jackson Heights: the value of real estate has gone down, old expensive boutiques have been replaced by cheap thrift stores, and corruption in the form of drug trade and violence has erupted. After today, I think most of the panic is overblown – I found all parts of the neighborhood to be quiet and respectable. The Latino area was loud because of the train passing above, but relatively urban and normal, and Little India was clean and colorful. And, at the end of the tour, the only person to have really yelled, cursed, and scared the hell out of me, was that one crazy hobo.

I was also surprised by the fact that there was intra-racial competition as in the example of Latino businesses. Most of our readings dealt with the competition and problems between the different ethnic communities, not really going into detail into the businesses of a single one. It was a bit naïve of me to think that an ethnic group stuck together no matter what and there were only economic problems between different ethnic groups; I didn’t realize there could be such problems in the same one. Yet, as in the example of Latino business on Roosevelt Ave and Latino businesses on 37th Ave, this kind of competition does exist. 37th Ave was a cleaner, more well kept street than Roosevelt Ave. The presence of aesthetically pleasing structures such as awnings brought attention to the fact that this was a more upscale part of the neighborhood. Just divided by one short block, these avenues have a completely different vibe. 37th Ave has more boutiques and brand-name stores, while the businesses of Roosevelt Ave are more of the small, family-owned type. It is funny how many of the stores on both sides are owned by Latinos, yet the businesses of 37th Ave wish to separate themselves from the ones of Roosevelt Ave – a perfect example of intra-racial competition.

One impression that was strengthened from the readings was my impression of the historical district. The readings explained garden apartments and the efforts of groups such as the Jackson Heights Beautification Group to preserve the “uniform building standards (Chapter 8: Jackson Heights, New York)” of the area. The area was indeed composed of historical buildings and pretty inner gardens. While the chapter stated that mostly only whites could afford the apartments and keep them in their historical conditions, it was still strange to venture into such a quiet area devoid of any other ethnicities after the hustle and bustle of Roosevelt Avenue and its surrounding streets.

One impression that was correct from the readings, however, was the way different ethnic communities behaved. As much as the readings and class discussions put emphasis on the many separate districts and communities of Jackson Heights, I didn’t fully grasp it until walking through Jackson Heights today. It was interesting to note how a people of one ethnicity could be so clustered in one section of the neighborhood while virtually non-existent in another. For example, during the first part of the walk, as we walked on Roosevelt Avenue, in the direction of Junction Blvd, almost every face on the street was Latino, with a very few number of people of other nationalities. However, as we walked along the Historical District, I don’t remember seeing a single person who looked of Latino descent. The same could be said of Little India where almost everyone looked to be from South Asia. One of the readings mentioned the theory of “communities overlapping but not touching”. I guess this was what the text meant – the white and immigrant ethnic communities rarely mix, and neither do the varying immigrant ethnic populations. Running parallel to each other, but never mixing – this is how the different ethnic communities of Jackson Heights work.

Before experiencing Jackson Heights today, I was surprised that one neighborhood could hold so many different and clashing ideas, races, and ethnic communities and actually work. Little India is so different from Little Columbia which is so different from the Historical District and on and on, that it really seems each one is its own independent city. Jackson Heights is really like no other place in Queens – it is a utopia of every kind of ethnicity and culture possible. After today, however, I realized each part of the neighborhood has its own beauty and appeal, and when mixed together, creates a working cacophony unique to the neighborhood.




Neighborhood Assignment #4: Interviews

Interview with Omar Rajwani:

A. Parent-coordinator (of school at the church) and active member of United Methodist Church (which was founded in 1919) for 2 years.

B. He just graduated from Queens college, and recently moved to Jackson Heights with his new wife (who also works at the church) from Woodside to get closer to the church and for the diversity of the neighborhood.

C. He would like to see more social acceptance, more opportunities for new immigrants

D. Church has an English program-around 50 students…90% are Hispanic, but has a person from almost each ethnicity

E. In church, there is an interaction between the ethnicities→ 3 separate congregations that convene for holidays and few times a year. Puts up morale of church…people of various faiths are happy worshipping together.

1. English congregation – Anglo pastor

2. Spanish congregation (first started in 40s)

3. Chinese congregation (started a decade or two ago)

F. Admits very few blacks in neighborhood (doesn’t know reason why), but young African American families have been coming to church in the last years.

G. The church, like most other places and individuals, has no problems with homosexuals: “open heart, open mind”. There are actually a few openly gay and accepted members of the church.

H. Car broken into twice near his complex at 87th and 34th. But feels relatively safe after locking windows and doors. Apartment complex is a mix of ethnicities…though he feels it is 60% Latino.

I. When he was young, used to go all the time to Little India with his parents. Now, only goes sometimes for food, and loves the diverse food and culture throughout the neighborhood.

J. Parking is one of his biggest concerns…feels there should be another parking garage built.

K. Believes, in the next ten years, real estate value of residences will continue to rise and there will probably will be a Barnes & Noble in the neighborhood soon (has already heard rumors)

L. Believes assimilation of immigrants is possible because total assimilation isn’t necessary especially in NYC and JH. People have their own culture and community to turn to here.

Omar Rajwani's map small.jpg

This is a cognitive map drawn by Omar Rajwani, a parent-coordinator of the school at the United Methodist Church and also an active member of the church for 2 years. From the map, we can see that Omar Rajwani's Jackson Heights is centered around his church. He moved to the neighborhood a couple of months ago to be close to the church where he and his wife work, as you can see from the map. He is able to walk to work and most of the other landmarks in his map. He mentioned that the other reason he moved to Jackson Heights was to experience the cultural diversity - he likes to try new foods and buy little ethnic knick-knacks from the different communities of the neighborhood.


Interview with Ayub

A. Store-clerk working at Latino deli for the last couple of months: “79st deli + Grocery” on corner of 79 and Roosevelt

B. Has been living in JH for 11 years

C. Doesn’t think JH has changed much over his years

D. Doesn’t believe there are any ethnic clashes; “only fights I see are the ones between drunks at night…and they don’t discriminate”

E. Business has been going down for the last months

F. Walks to work and everywhere else

G. Has no problems with gay bars/pride/people in JH

H. Goes to other parts of neighborhood, such as Little India, for the food

I. Parking a big concern in neighborhood

J. The people who come to the deli are a mix, but majority are Latinos

Ayub's map small.jpg

The cognitive map drawn by Ayub, a long-time store-clerk working at the Latino deli "79st deli & Grocery", located on the corner of 79 and Roosevelt Ave. His Jackson Heights is obviously centered on Roosevelt Avenue as both his workplace and home is located on or near it. He said he rarely ventures to the Historical District or Little India; all his necessities are located on the stretch of Roosevelt Ave. Although he is a prime example of "separate but coexisting" communites of Jackson Heights, he says there are no problems or complaints between the different ethnic communities ("only fights I see are the ones between the drunks at night...and they don't discriminate").