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User:KmumtazFrom The Peopling of New York City
DiscussionSo can we remove all the internal links? I think they are nice. But it makes us sound repetitive. - Anita Just so we are clear you want the main pages like "Gilliagan's Island" to have all the info on one page, but separated like this one? ru sure u want2do tht..didnt prof.maskovsky say he doesnt want it to look like the "wikipedia" format because its kind of confusing? but at the same time, in my opinion, ur pg isnt tht confusing so..lol -filza NOOO! lol. No, I want to remove the internal links. For example, on the marketing page, there are those 'struggle over space' and 'selling diversity' links.Though now that I think of it, I prefer your page! It would be better if the pages did look like this one. Then we wouldn't have to worry about those silly descriptions. Up to you, but if you do it in this format, it would be simpler and probably less repetitive. Also, most of the internal links will not be needed. Up to you... (are we allowed do set it up like this?) but some of the internal links (like the ones to the references..well i guess we dont reaally need them..hmm but about the descriptions of the pgs..i think prof.maskovsky actually wanted them..y else wud he want us2edit them so much? maybe im wrong, dunno - filza Thanks for the discussion tab, Kamran. Filza and I feel special. We should keep the reference internal links but not the other ones. - Anita Neighborhood Statistics
(Source: PropertyShark & U.S. Census Bureau)
Real Estate Agent InterviewInterview of Agent David J. from Withheld Real Estate Agency (due to request) in Elmhurst/Jackson Heights:
Q. What are the landmarks in Jackson Heights (ie, a church, school, government building, etc.)?
Q. What mediums of transportation are available? What are the most efficient?
Q. Are there are any unsafe areas in the neighborhood? Where is the crime rate high in the neighborhood?
Q. Where is the place in the neighborhood, in which you would not recommend one to buy?
Q. Where are the affluent places in the neighborhood? For how much does property go there, and to whom?
Q. Similarly, where are the most property sold, with regard to volume?
Q. Where is your favorite place to sell in the neighborhood? Why?
Q. Are there are any demarcations within the neighborhood? IE, are there streets such that living on one side of it, versus another, substantially affects real estate property values?
Q. Further, what is the average list price to sale price ratio in Jackson Heights?
Q. Where do you find conflicts between ethnic or economic groups?
Q. Are there any processes (i.e. gentrification, slumification) that you see taking place in Jackson Heights today, and describe?
Q. What three things would you do to make the neighborhood better?
This cognitive map was created by real estate agent David J. -- whose last name and agency were withheld per his request -- in Jackson Heights/Elmhurst. David's cognitive map covers most of the space that is Jackson Heights. The shaded region embodies his "most favorite" region in Jackson Heights, where he primarily sold homes. The map itself is conservative, as David thought for several seconds before drawing this almost politically correct map; interestingly, this shaded region at first only covered some parts of the Historic District, but practically the entirety of Little India, until David added additional shading after he had seemingly finished the cognitive map. Neighborhood OverviewJackson Heights is a neighborhood that is ethnically diverse, featuring a myriad of races, ethnicities, and nationalities, and because of this diversity, it has experienced its share of struggles over space. After 9/11, access to public space became limited. Many of the residents and of Jackson Heights needed to conform to the conventional standards of American society and, simultaneously, lose that of their own culture, to be accepted and, more important, be safe in public streets after the terrorist attacks. This struggle in the streets – both physical and internal – led some Muslim women to wear “slacks and blouses they had quickly purchased at $10 stores,” Hindu women “to wear bindi ... so that they would not be mistaken for Muslim,” and South Asian restaurants and banks to “[enter] a competition for the largest and most visible display of American flags” (Williams, 4). Those who failed to blend within the streets were, many times, “stopped … and searched,” and, additionally, others were “detained, interrogated, [and] deported ... as terror suspect[s]” (Williams, 4, 8). Furthermore, in addition to the struggle over space as a direct result of 9/11, struggles over space were present in Jackson Heights since its establishment. Jews and Blacks, at first, were barred from purchasing private space, such as homes, in Jackson Heights by “early developers” (Kasinitz, 163). Moreover, while Jews were allowed to move into Jackson Heights after the late 1940, Blacks “continued to be excluded from the area until … 1968 [and possibly] through the 1980s” (Kasinitz, 164). Residents of Jackson Heights have also fought over the actual defined space and boundaries of Jackson Heights. When journalist Manuel de Dios Unanue was shot and killed in a Roosevelt Avenue restaurant, “several local residents protested that the New York Times had misidentified Jackson Heights as the site of the killing” because the killing occurred on the “south side” of the street (Kasinitz, 165). Further, residents of Jackson Heights “don’t cross to the other side of Roosevelt Avenue [or past any of the boundaries past Jackson Heights], because they live in Jackson Heights and they do their business in Jackson Heights” (Jones-Correa, 25). Moreover, residents also disputed – to no avail – against the 1996 changes in zoning districts, which intended to relieve overcrowding in Jackson Heights schools. These zoning changes forced the children of some Jackson Heights’ residents to attend schools in other neighborhoods, destroying students’ “commitment” to Jackson Heights, their neighborhood (Kasinitz, 170). Additionally, the designation of several sections of Jackson Heights as historic districts raised outrage and fervor, as well. Residents, who lived in these historic districts of Jackson Heights, faced “severe restrictions,” as they could not alter their homes – “like adding a porch, removing a stoop, or building a garage – without the approval of the New York City Landmarks Commission, in order to preserve the physical and aesthetic space of Jackson Heights (Kasinitz, 170). Similarly, regulations were placed on business owners within the historic district that prevented alterations of storefronts; businesses that failed to abide by these “restrictive” regulations, which were intended to protect the integrity of the neighborhood, faced the threat of boycott (Kasinitz, 173). In addition, residents have also clashed with businesses, including Indian business owners and shoppers, a majority of whom are not residents of Jackson Heights. The success of local Indian businesses has caused the “[displacement] of long-established, familiar stores and restaurants in favor of more profitable ones” from both “outsiders” and “foreigners,” upon which residents have looked negatively (Kasinitz, 169). Jackson Heights, throughout its history, has experienced its struggles over public space. After 9/11, Muslims, Hindus, and Arabs struggled to be accepted, facing discrimination throughout the space that embodies Jackson Heights. Similarly, Blacks and Jews faced racism after the inception of Jackson Heights, as they were not able to purchase private property. Furthermore, the demarcation of space in Jackson Heights as historic districts raised tensions that were already present between storeowners and residents and between old residents and newer ones over private and public space. Therefore, while Jackson Heights is a diverse neighborhood, today, as seen through its struggle over space, it still fails to be fully integrated and ubiquitously cohesive.
Neighborhood ImpressionsMy impression of Jackson Heights, prior to the walking tour, was that although it was a racially diverse neighborhood, it failed to be socially integrated. The walking tour only reinforced this notion of the neighborhood, providing empirical and visual evidence. The neighborhood of Jackson Heights, as seen in the walking tour, is in fact an “ethically mixed neighborhood” (Kasinitz et al., 161). As one walks east on Roosevelt Avenue, the streets become filled with electronic stores, bars, and restaurants, all of which are mainly composed of Hispanics consumers and employees. Further, as one turns left onto streets such as 82nd Street, one continues to encounter Hispanic businesses. When one, then, turns west onto 37th Avenue, the streets are predominately Hispanic residential buildings; however, as one continues to walk, towards 74th Street, 37th Avenue changes to being filled with Indian stores and restaurants. In addition, one encounters Chinese, Korean, and other Asian businesses and firms, if one turns onto 74th Streets and crosses to the other side of Roosevelt Avenue, all of which shows the ethnic diversity of Jackson Heights. However, while Jackson Heights is racially diverse, it is not socially integrated. The neighborhood of Jackson, as Jones-Correa states, is composed of “boundaries” that divide it into separate regions or communities (25). Just as “people who live on one side of Roosevelt Avenue don’t cross to the other side of Roosevelt Avenue, because they live in Jackson Heights and hey do their business in Jackson Heights,” similarly, distinct groups in Jackson Heights do not cross into regions that are composed of other groups. For example, during the walking tour, 37th Avenue, which initially featured residential buildings that were mainly composed of Hispanics, almost immediately becomes filled with Indian producers and consumers. However, it seems that almost no Hispanic crossed over this demarcation. The walking tour did not reveal why Hispanics were located in one region of Jackson Height, with Southeast Asians present in a different region, and Asians in another. Early developers of Jackson Heights barred blacks from purchasing private property in Jackson Heights, and while Jews were finally allowed to move into Jackson Heights after the late 1940, blacks “continued to be excluded from the area until … 1968 [and possibly] through the 1980s” (Kasinitz et al., 164). Whether banks and real estate businesses are responsible today for the division of the neighborhood into isolated, socially alienated regions is yet to be seen; however, along with interracial divisions, intraracial division are also present. The higher class Hispanics on 37th Avenue hope to be differentiated and possibly isolated from the perceived lower class Hispanics along Roosevelt Avenue and its neighboring streets. In addition, there have been divisions between residents and commuters, as the success of local Indian businesses, a majority of which are not run by residents of Jackson Heights, has caused the “[displacement] of long-established, familiar stores and restaurants in favor of more profitable ones” from these “outsiders” and “foreigners,” upon which residents have looked negatively (Kasinitz et al., 169). During the walking tour – a small same of Jackson Heights – this, however, was not seen. While the walking tour of the Jackson Heights neighborhood reinforced many aspects of the texts about Jackson Heights, several aspects of Jackson Heights were not addressed, and numerous questions arose, as well. Nevertheless, the walking tour provided evidence and place emphasis on the fact that Jackson Heights is not socially integrated, although it is racially diverse. Moreover, the reason why this social division exists was not revealed in the walking tour, and, most important, neither was the process by which social integration can occur. A community, neighborhood, or society without social integration – preventing cohesion between residents, and acceptance and communication between races, working for the betterment and enhancement of the each other – will most likely cease to exist. Let us hope that the Jackson Heights – a model for racial diversity – does not.
Facts and Opinions
"At the same time, Jackson Heights has continued its role as a magnet for people from an incredibly wide variety of backgrounds. Jackson Heights is today widely known as one of the most diverse neighborhoods in the country. It's not uncommon to hear four or five languages (English and Spanish, but also Russian, Bangla, Korean, and others) in the course of a walk. "For many of these residents, Jackson Heights continues to play the role it has since its inception: as a place to live within easy commuting distance of jobs yet enjoy, :::as architect Robert A.M. Stern, Dean of the Yale School of Architecture, has said, 'the mix of urbane apartment and row houses...a model urban suburbia that demonstrates, as none have since, what high-density housing in the city could be.' "2
Works Consulted
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